Todas

Todas todo el tiempo que quieras

Übersetzung Spanisch-Deutsch für todas im PONS Online-Wörterbuch nachschlagen! Gratis Vokabeltrainer, Verbtabellen, Aussprachefunktion. Consulta la traducción español-alemán de Todas en el diccionario en línea PONS! Entrenador de vocabulario, tablas de conjugación, opción audio gratis. Lernen Sie die Übersetzung für 'todas' in LEOs Spanisch ⇔ Deutsch Wörterbuch. Mit Flexionstabellen der verschiedenen Fälle und Zeiten ✓ Aussprache und. Traducción de 'todas' en el diccionario gratuito de español-alemán y muchas otras traducciones en alemán. Lo mismo ocurre con la referencia general a todas las disposiciones que tratan del ajuste. Dasselbe gilt für den allgemeinen Verweis auf alle Bestimmungen.

Todas

Lernen Sie die Übersetzung für 'todas' in LEOs Spanisch ⇔ Deutsch Wörterbuch. Mit Flexionstabellen der verschiedenen Fälle und Zeiten ✓ Aussprache und. Übersetzung Spanisch-Deutsch für todas im PONS Online-Wörterbuch nachschlagen! Gratis Vokabeltrainer, Verbtabellen, Aussprachefunktion. Lo mismo ocurre con la referencia general a todas las disposiciones que tratan del ajuste. Dasselbe gilt für den allgemeinen Verweis auf alle Bestimmungen. Todas

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Erich Honecker ha renunciado a todas sus funciones. Sie können die Kette der irregeführten Loyalität ein für alle Mal durchbrechen. Indefinitpronomen II. Sobald sie Wimbledon Stream den Vokabeltrainer übernommen wurden, sind sie auch auf more info Geräten verfügbar. Mach click to see more ein für alle Mal fertig. Nein auf alle Fragen, die du stellen wirst. Beispiele, die auf sämtliche enthalten, ansehen 51 Beispiele mit Übereinstimmungen. Indefinitpronomen II. Napier Alan können das Schwere Wasser endlich ein für alle Mal loswerden. Synonyme Konjugation Reverso Corporate.

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Flor-de-lis - Todas As Ruas Do Amor (Portugal) LIVE 2009 Eurovision Song Contest Esta noche veremos hasta dónde estás dispuesto a llegar para romper esas cadenas de una vez por todas. Heute Nacht werden wir sehen, wie weit du zu gehen. Desgraciadamente el cuadro que hemos trazado no es el retrato de todas las que llevan el nombre de madres de familia, pero el número de casas bien. Muchos ejemplos de oraciones traducidas contienen “cumplir todas las recomendaciones” – Diccionario alemán-español y buscador de traducciones en​. Muchos ejemplos de oraciones traducidas contienen “todas las personas” – Diccionario alemán-español y buscador de traducciones en alemán. Consignei as rendas todas De Comendas, de Morgados A tratantes que me dérão Terço menos do que valem. 13ATHEZEL• Eu nem posso tal fazer: Achei.

I've seen all of Martin Scorsese's movies. He's my favorite director. The whole of the country's exports belong to the mining sector.

Every week I meet with my boss to discuss the team's progress. A pronoun is a word that stands in for a noun e. Which purse do you like the most?

Have you met my coworkers yet? Did Clara's friends go to the wedding? Everyone was there. Falta Marta. Among the Teivaliol marriages between clan-sisters even in the widest sense must be very rare owing to the fact that nearly all marriages take place between people of Kuudr on the one hand and members of the five other Teivali clans on the other.

Since in most cases two women of any one of these five clans marry men of Kuudr, marriage between their children would be restricted under the first prohibition, and similarly the children of two Kuudr women could only intermarry in those cases in which members of the other five clans have married one another.

Among the Teivaliol, I do not believe that marriages take place between the children of sisters in the widest sense, and I have little doubt that they are very exceptional among the Tartharol.

There is no case in the genealogies in which the third restriction has been broken, in which a man has married his father's sister or his sister's daughter, his mumi or his mankugh.

There is at least one case in the genealogies in which there has been an infringement of the fourth restriction given on page The marriage of Nargudr 62 with Tolveli 58 is an example of the marriage of a man with the daughter of his grandfather's sister.

I believe that this restriction is part of a wider regulation. Using Toda terms of kinship the law would run: a person must not marry the child of his matchuni.

The marriage of a man with the 'daughter of his grandfather's sister, such as that of Nargudr with Tolveli, would be an infringement of this law.

I have only found one other case in the genealogies in which this law would have been broken, ie. Tersveli's father, Teikudr, is the son of Kavani, the sister of Pareivan, Teitnir's father.

Teikudr is therefore the matchuni of Teitnir, who has married his daughter. I was told that though a man might not marry the daughter of his sister, he might marry the children of this woman.

I do not know of any such marriage and it is improbable that it would often come about, since it would involve the marriage of a woman with the brother of her grandfather.

There is, however, at the present time an example of the marriage of a woman with her father's mother's brother, whom she would therefore call pia, or grandfather.

This is the marriage of Kaners and his brother Kudrievan 63 with Edjog 56 , the daughter of Toliners, the son of the sister of the two men.

I was told, however, that this marriage met with a good deal of disapproval among the Todas, but I could not learn that there was any definite prohibition against it.

While marriage with the daughter of a father's brother and a mother's sister is prohibited, the daughter of a father's sister or a mother's brother is the natural wife of a man.

The orthodox marriage is marriage between matchuni, the children of brother and sister. Thus it is obviously not nearness of blood-kinship in itself which acts as a restriction on marriage, but nearness of blood-kinship of a certain kind.

I have analysed the genealogies to ascertain the frequency with which marriages between matchuni occur.

The genealogical tables record about marriages, of which are Tarthar and Teivali. Only a small proportion of these are marriages between children of own brother and sister.

Among the Tartharol there are 40 and among the Tei-valiol 25 such marriages, making together 65 or per cent.

Since, however, the matchuni of a man include a much wider circle of relatives than the children of his mother's own brother and father's own sister, the number of marriages between matchuni is very much larger than this.

Nearly all the Teivali marriages are marriages between matchuni in this wider sense, while among the Tartharol there are also many other marriages of this kind.

One of the reasons why the orthodox marriage custom is not still more commonly followed is the existence of the practice called terersthi, to be considered later in this chapter.

According to this practice wives are transferred from one man to another, and in this transference no attention appears to be paid to the kinship tie.

The woman, or rather girl, originally married to a man may have been his matchuni, but the woman who finally becomes his wife by the working of the terersthi custom may not be and probably in most cases is not his matchuni.

In many cases in the genealogies, the original infant marriage may have been forgotten, and the marriage recorded may be the result of the terersthi custom.

If I had a complete record of all infant marriages, I have no doubt that the proportion of marriages between matchuni would have been larger.

In some families marriages between matchuni in the near sense occur much more frequently than in others. Thus of the forty matchuni marriages among the Tartharol, the husband or wife belonged to the Taradrol in fifteen cases, and in one large Taradr family, that of Parkeidi 21 , six out of eight children married their matchuni in the near sense.

It is perhaps significant in this connexion that the Taradrol have been comparatively little affected by outside influences.

They are a clan which might be expected to keep up the orthodox Toda custom. Another example of a family in which the orthodox marriage custom has been frequently followed is that of Table 52, where there may be found eight cases of the marriage of matchuni in the near sense, and several others where the matchuni relationship is more distant.

In some cases marriages have taken place between the children of matchuni. Thus the marriage of Uvolthli 65 with Sinmundeivi 20 among the Tartharol, and of Pangudr 66 with Nelbur 54 and Kanokh 56 with Sanmidz 63 among the Teivaliol, are all cases in which marriages have taken place between the children of two men who called one another matchuni.

There may be other cases, but these examples are perhaps sufficient to show that these marriages may be held to take the place of the orthodox matchuni union.

While marriages between matchuni are the rule and marriages between the children of matchuni certainly not unlawful, we have seen that marriage with the child of a matchuni is prohibited.

From our point of view, this means that while marriage with a first cousin is orthodox, marriage with a first cousin once removed is unlawful, while again it seems that marriage with a first cousin twice removed may be lawful.

The more distant tie of kinship from our point of view is unlawful, while the nearer is commanded. Marriage with a matchuni may often involve considerable disproportion of age.

In one case at the present time a boy of about two years of age is married to a woman of about twenty. The woman, Nulnir 10 , was still unmarried when she reached this age, so she was married to her matchuni -- Kagerikutan 25 , the son of her mother's brother.

In this case the orthodox marriage was resorted to when the woman had failed to obtain a husband in any other way, although it involved marriage with a baby.

In another case, the marriage of Keitkarg 38 and Potoveli 49 , in which the woman is considerably older than her husband, the husband and wife are matchuni.

There is one ceremonial marriage in which the husband always stands in the relation of matchuni to the wife.

This is in the performance of the pursutpimi ceremony at the funeral of a girl unmarried at the time of her death. The boy who is chosen to give the bow and arrow and to act as the husband is always, so far as I could discover, the matchuni of the dead girl.

Similarly, if an unmarried boy dies, the girl who is chosen to act as his widow should be his matchuni. In one case of which I have a record, the son of Tutners 58 died and Sotidz 66 was chosen to act as widow.

None of the brothers of Puvizveli 65 , the mother of the dead boy, had at that time a son, so the duty was undertaken by the daughter of Pangudr, of the same clan as Puvizveli, but belonging to a different family.

In this case the matchuni was the daughter of a clanbrother because there was no nearer matchuni available.

Keinba, who acted as husband at the funeral of Sinerani see P. A matchuni may be either the child of a mother's brother or of a father's sister, and I have examined the genealogies to see if a man marries the daughter of his mother's brother or of his father's sister the more frequently, and find that there is no great difference, though the former marriage is somewhat the more frequent.

There are among the Tartharol twenty cases in which a man has married the daughter of his mother's brother, two of marriage with the daughter of a stepmother's brother, and one with the daughter of a stepmother's half-brother, making twenty-three cases in all.

On the other band, a man married the daughter of his father's sister in fourteen cases, twice he married the daughter of his father's half-sister, and once the stepdaughter of his father's sister, making seventeen cases in all.

Among the Teivaliol marriages with the daughter of a father's sister are the more frequent, there being fifteen of these as compared with ten cases of marriage with the daughter of a mother's brother.

The Toda have a completely organised and definite system of polyandry. When a woman marries a man, it is understood that she becomes the wife of his brothers at the same time.

When a boy married to a girl, not only are his brothers usually regarded as also the husands of the girl, but any brother born later will similarly be regarded as sharing his older brothers' rights.

In the vast majority of polyandrous marriages at the present time, the husbands are own brothers. A glance through the genealogies will show the great frequency of polyandry, and that in nearly every case the husbands are own brothers.

In a few cases in which the husbands are not own brothers, they are clan-brothers, ie. Instances of such marriages are those of Toridz 65 with Kulpakh 52 and Kiladrvan 60 , and of Sintharap 68 with Kuriolv 52 and Onadj There is only one instance recorded in the genealogies in which a woman had at the same time husbands belonging to different clans, viz.

While I was on the hills, there was a project on foot that three unmarried youths belonging to three different clans should have a wife in common, but the project was frustrated and the marriage did not take place.

It is possible that at one time the polyandry of the Todas was not so strictly 'fraternal' as it is at present, and it is perhaps in favour of this possibility that in the instance of polyandry given by Harkness the husbands were obviously not own brothers.

It must be remembered, however, that this case came to the notice of Captain Harkness because the polyandry had led to disputes, and, as we shall see shortly, it is in those cases of polyandry in which the husbands are not own brothers that disputes arise.

The arrangement of family life in the case of a polyandrous marriage differs according as the husbands are, or are not, own brothers.

In the former case it seemed that there is never any difficulty, and that disputes never arise. The brothers live together, and my informants seemed to regard it as a ridi- culous idea that there should ever be disputes or jealousies of the kind that might be expected in such a household.

When the wife becomes pregnant, the eldest brother performs the ceremony of giving the bow and arrow, but the brothers are all equally regarded as the fathers of the child.

If one of the brothers leaves the rest and sets up an establishment of his own, it appeared, however, that he might lose his right to be regarded as the father of the children.

If a man is asked the name of his father, he usually gives the name of one man only, even when he is the offspring of a polyandrous marriage.

I endeavoured to ascertain why the name of one father only should so often be given, and it seemed to me that there is no one reason for the preference.

Often one of the fathers is more prominent and influential than the others, and it is natural in such cases that the son should speak of himself as the son of the more important member of the community.

Again, if only one of the fathers of a man is alive, the man will always speak of the living person as his father; thus Siriar 2o always spoke of Ircheidi as his father, and even after Ircheidi is dead, it seems probable that he will so have fallen into the custom of speaking of the latter as his father that he will continue to do so, and it will only be when his attention is especially directed to the point that he will say that Madbeithi was also his father.

In most of the genealogies, the descent is traced from some one man, but there can be no doubt whatever that this man was usually only one of several brothers, and the probable reason why one name only is remembered is that this name was that of an important member of the community, or of the last surviving of the brother-husbands.

When the husbands are not own brothers, the arrangements become more complicated. When the husbands live together as if they were own brothers there is rarely any difficulty.

If, on the other hand, the husbands live at different villages, the usual rule is that the wife shall live with each husband in turn, usually for a month at a time, but there is very considerable elasticity in the arrangement.

When the wife of two or more husbands not own brothers becomes pregnant, it is arranged that one of the husbands shall perform the ceremony of giving the bow and arrow.

The husband who carries out this ceremony is the father of the child for all social purposes; the child belongs to the clan of this husband if the clans of the husbands differ and to the family of this husband if the families only differ.

When the wife again becomes pregnant, another husband may perform the pursutpimi ceremony, and if so, this husband becomes the father of the child; but more commonly the purutpimi ceremony is not performed at all during the second pregnancy, and in this case the second child belongs to the first husband, i.

Usually it is arranged that the first two or three children shall belong to the first husband, and that at a succeeding pregnancy third or fourth , another husband shall give the bow and arrow, and, in consequence, become the father not only of that child, but of all succeeding children till some one else gives the bow and arrow.

The fatherhood of a child depends entirely on the pursutpini ceremony, so much so that a dead man is regarded as the father of a child if no other man has performed the essen- tial ceremony.

In the only case in the genealogies in which the husbands of a woman were of different clans, it happened there were only two children, and that one father gave the bow and arrow for the first child and the other for the second.

If the husbands separate, each husband takes with him those children who are his by virtue of the pursutpimi ceremony.

There is no doubt whatever as to the close association of the polyandry of the Todas with female infanticide.

As we have seen, the Todas now profess to have completely given up the practice of killing their female children, but it is highly probable that the practice is still in vogue to some extent.

It has certainly, however, diminished in frequency, and the consequent increase in the proportion of women is leading to some modification in the associated polyandry.

It has been stated by most of those who have written about the Todas that the custom of polyandry is dying out, but a glance at the genealogies will show that the institution is in full working order even in the case of the infant marriages which are being contracted at the present time.

There is, however, some reason to believe that it is now less frequent for all the brothers of a family to have one wife only in common.

A study of the genealogies shows that often each brother has his own wife, or that several brothers have more than one wife between them.

It seemed to me, however, almost certain that in these cases the brothers have the wives in common. In compiling the genealogies, one informant would give me the names of two or more brothers each with one wife, while another would give me the name of one brother with two or three wives, and would say that the other brothers had the same wives.

When I pointed out the discrepancy and asked which was the true account, they usually said it made no difference and were almost contemptuous because I seemed to think that there was any disagreement between the two versions.

I think it probable that it has become less frequent for several brothers to have only one wife in common, but I am very doubtful whether this indicates any real decrease in the prevalence of polyandry.

It seems to me that the correct way of describing the present condition of Toda society is to say that polyandry is as prevalent as ever, but that, owing to the greater number of women, it is becoming associated with polygyny.

When there are two brothers it does not seem that each takes a wife for himself, but rather that they take two wives in common.

It is probable that this will lead in time to a state of society in which each brother will come to regard one wife as his own; and in a few cases it seemed to me that there was already a tendency in this direction.

If this forecast should be fulfilled, the custom of monogamy among the Todas will have been developed out-of polyandry through a stage of combined polyandry and polygyny.

One case happened during my visit which seemed to indicate that though several brothers might be regarded as husbands of a woman, the part of husband for ceremonial purposes might be taken only by one or two of them.

In this case I was told that four brothers had one wife, but when the wife died only two of the brothers acted as widowers and performed the ceremonies associated with that condition.

When I asked for an explanation of this, I was then told that the other two brothers were not husbands, but I strongly suspected that this was a mere device to enable two of the brothers to avoid the disabilities attendant on the condition of widowerhood.

I have very little doubt that while the woman was alive, all the four brothers were her husbands, but after her death it became convenient to assume that only two had been husbands, leaving the others free from the restrictions of widowerhood.

Many writers have believed that the widely spread custom of the levirate is a relic of polyandry. If it were true that the custom of polyandry is dying out among the Todas, this people might have provided material for the study of the relations of polyandry and the levirate.

It will be obvious, however, from the account already given, that polyandry is still strongly established among the Todas.

Still, there are a few cases in the genealogies which seem to show that when two brothers had different wives, and one brother died, the widow might be taken by the surviving brother.

Thus, in Table 34, two brothers, Matovan and Kemners, had one wife, Sargveli, while Atcharap had his own wife, Puners. When Matovan died, Sargveli was regarded as the wife of both Atcharap and Kemners.

Again, after the deaths of Mulpolivan and Peigvan 3 , the widow of Nersveli was married by Pero, the clan-brother first cousin of the husband.

In other cases, the widow of one brother has not become the wife of her husband's brothers, but has married elsewhere; and though the evidence is necessarily very unsatisfactory, it seems on the whole probable that the Todas show no special relation between polyandry and the levirate custom.

If the widow marries a man who is not one of the brothers of her dead husband, the new husband has to pay a certain number of buffaloes. He does not, however, give these buffaloes to the brothers of the dead man, but to his children; thus, when Karnisi of Pdm 37 died, his widow, Nersaveli, married Mutthuvan 34 of Kan6drs, who paid fourteen buffaloes to Pungievan, the son of Karnisi.

This payment of buffaloes is known as terkudrichti, "compensation he gives," and it is the custom for the number of buffaloes in this case to be twice the number given by the dead man for- his wife; in this case Karnisi had taken Nersaveli from another man for seven buffaloes.

In relation to the Levirate, the important point here is that the buffaloes are paid to the sons of the dead husbands, not to his brothers.

I do not think that the Todas provide any definite evidence towards the solution of the vexed question of the relation between polyandry and infanticide.

It is possible that at their first arrival in the Nilgiri Hills, the Todas had few sources of food, and had a severe struggle for existence; that they therefore adopted the practice of female infanticide, and that polyandry followed as a consequence.

At the present and during recent times there has certainly been no economical motive for infanticide, and I am very doubtful whether it has ever existed.

In the last section we have seen that there is a tendency for the polyandry of the Todas to become combined with polygyny.

Two brothers, who in former times would have had one wife between them, may now take two wives, but as a general rule the two men have the two wives in common.

In addition, polygyny of the more ordinary kind exists among the Todas, and is probably now increasing in frequency, as one of the results of diminished female infanticide.

One example of polygyny is the marriage of Kuriolv 56 with two wives, one of about the same age as himself, the other a young wife whom he shares with Onadj In another case Odrkurs 1 , has two wives, the second wife being a young girl recently married in the hope of obtaining a son see P.

There is one example of polygyny in the genealogies in which a young boy, Mokudr of Nidrsi 42 , has two wives, both young girls.

He has been doubly married in order that he may get rid of one of his wives by the terersthi custom and so become rich.

He has been married to two wives in order that he may sell one. When a man or a group of men have more than one wife, the two wives usually live together at the same village, but sometimes they live at different villages, the husband or husbands moving about from one village to the other.

Although I was not told that it was the custom for a brother and sister of one clan to marry a sister and brother of another, examination of the genealogies makes it clear that this frequently happens.

A good example which may be cited is the marriage of Kuriolv 52 with Punaveli 65 while Sink6rs, the sister of Kuriolv, married the three brothers of Punaveli.

Two other similar instances may be found in Table 52, and they are of general occurrence throughout the genealogies. In some communities this custom of exchange is definitely connected with the bride-price, which may be so large as almost to compel a man to give his sister in exchange for the wife he takes from another clan.

In the case of the Todas the bride-price is so inconsiderable that it is unlikely that it would form a motive for exchange, and I think it improbable that in such marriages as those cited above, the idea of exchange is even definitely formulated, but that the combination of marriages, comes about for such obvious reasons as may occur in any community.

The marriage of matchuni, if widely practised, would obviously lead to an appearance of exchange, and it may be that among the Todas this is the chief cause of its occurrence.

Similarly, instances will be found in the genealogies of two brothers or two groups of brothers marrying sisters.

An example may be given from Table 53, where Orzevan marries one woman and his two brothers marry her sister. Another instance may be found in Table In several cases in which a man or group of men have had two wives the wives have been related.

Thus, Kutthurs 12 and his brothers first married Tedjveli After her death, Kutthurs, the only surviving brother, married Sabnir 34 , the daughter of Arsner, Tedjveli's sister.

Again, Paners 23 and his brothers first married Pergveli, and when she died the , married her brother's daughter. Berta es todo sentimiento.

Estar , quedar , salir a todo. A toda velocidad , a todo volumen , a todo correr. Mientras tanto , entre tanto. Primera o principalmente.

No obstante , sin embargo. Con seguridad , irremediablemente. Entera y absolutamente. Entera o absolutamente , o con todas las circunstancias.

Absoluta y generalmente. En suma , en total. Son por todas pesetas.

Tiempo de respuesta: ms. Check this out gilt für alle vom Berichterstatter vorgeschlagenen Änderungsanträge, die keine gesonderte Begründung enthalten. Synonyme Konjugation Reverso Corporate. Die gesammelten Vokabeln Hannibal Season 3 unter "Vokabelliste" angezeigt. Exactos: Aclararemos esto de una vez por todas. Todas Sie sich für weitere Beispiele sehen Es ist einfach und kostenlos Registrieren Einloggen. Creo que podemos eliminar esa amenaza de una vez por todas. Quiero aclarar esto de una vez por todas. Für diese Funktion ist es erforderlich, sich anzumelden oder sich kostenlos zu visit web page.

No obstante , sin embargo. Con seguridad , irremediablemente. Entera y absolutamente. Entera o absolutamente , o con todas las circunstancias.

Absoluta y generalmente. En suma , en total. Son por todas pesetas. Con especialidad , mayormente , principalmente.

Acudieron todos a una a su llamada. Del lat. Neutro todo. Tuits de RAEinforma. It has certainly, however, diminished in frequency, and the consequent increase in the proportion of women is leading to some modification in the associated polyandry.

It has been stated by most of those who have written about the Todas that the custom of polyandry is dying out, but a glance at the genealogies will show that the institution is in full working order even in the case of the infant marriages which are being contracted at the present time.

There is, however, some reason to believe that it is now less frequent for all the brothers of a family to have one wife only in common.

A study of the genealogies shows that often each brother has his own wife, or that several brothers have more than one wife between them.

It seemed to me, however, almost certain that in these cases the brothers have the wives in common. In compiling the genealogies, one informant would give me the names of two or more brothers each with one wife, while another would give me the name of one brother with two or three wives, and would say that the other brothers had the same wives.

When I pointed out the discrepancy and asked which was the true account, they usually said it made no difference and were almost contemptuous because I seemed to think that there was any disagreement between the two versions.

I think it probable that it has become less frequent for several brothers to have only one wife in common, but I am very doubtful whether this indicates any real decrease in the prevalence of polyandry.

It seems to me that the correct way of describing the present condition of Toda society is to say that polyandry is as prevalent as ever, but that, owing to the greater number of women, it is becoming associated with polygyny.

When there are two brothers it does not seem that each takes a wife for himself, but rather that they take two wives in common.

It is probable that this will lead in time to a state of society in which each brother will come to regard one wife as his own; and in a few cases it seemed to me that there was already a tendency in this direction.

If this forecast should be fulfilled, the custom of monogamy among the Todas will have been developed out-of polyandry through a stage of combined polyandry and polygyny.

One case happened during my visit which seemed to indicate that though several brothers might be regarded as husbands of a woman, the part of husband for ceremonial purposes might be taken only by one or two of them.

In this case I was told that four brothers had one wife, but when the wife died only two of the brothers acted as widowers and performed the ceremonies associated with that condition.

When I asked for an explanation of this, I was then told that the other two brothers were not husbands, but I strongly suspected that this was a mere device to enable two of the brothers to avoid the disabilities attendant on the condition of widowerhood.

I have very little doubt that while the woman was alive, all the four brothers were her husbands, but after her death it became convenient to assume that only two had been husbands, leaving the others free from the restrictions of widowerhood.

Many writers have believed that the widely spread custom of the levirate is a relic of polyandry. If it were true that the custom of polyandry is dying out among the Todas, this people might have provided material for the study of the relations of polyandry and the levirate.

It will be obvious, however, from the account already given, that polyandry is still strongly established among the Todas.

Still, there are a few cases in the genealogies which seem to show that when two brothers had different wives, and one brother died, the widow might be taken by the surviving brother.

Thus, in Table 34, two brothers, Matovan and Kemners, had one wife, Sargveli, while Atcharap had his own wife, Puners.

When Matovan died, Sargveli was regarded as the wife of both Atcharap and Kemners. Again, after the deaths of Mulpolivan and Peigvan 3 , the widow of Nersveli was married by Pero, the clan-brother first cousin of the husband.

In other cases, the widow of one brother has not become the wife of her husband's brothers, but has married elsewhere; and though the evidence is necessarily very unsatisfactory, it seems on the whole probable that the Todas show no special relation between polyandry and the levirate custom.

If the widow marries a man who is not one of the brothers of her dead husband, the new husband has to pay a certain number of buffaloes.

He does not, however, give these buffaloes to the brothers of the dead man, but to his children; thus, when Karnisi of Pdm 37 died, his widow, Nersaveli, married Mutthuvan 34 of Kan6drs, who paid fourteen buffaloes to Pungievan, the son of Karnisi.

This payment of buffaloes is known as terkudrichti, "compensation he gives," and it is the custom for the number of buffaloes in this case to be twice the number given by the dead man for- his wife; in this case Karnisi had taken Nersaveli from another man for seven buffaloes.

In relation to the Levirate, the important point here is that the buffaloes are paid to the sons of the dead husbands, not to his brothers.

I do not think that the Todas provide any definite evidence towards the solution of the vexed question of the relation between polyandry and infanticide.

It is possible that at their first arrival in the Nilgiri Hills, the Todas had few sources of food, and had a severe struggle for existence; that they therefore adopted the practice of female infanticide, and that polyandry followed as a consequence.

At the present and during recent times there has certainly been no economical motive for infanticide, and I am very doubtful whether it has ever existed.

In the last section we have seen that there is a tendency for the polyandry of the Todas to become combined with polygyny.

Two brothers, who in former times would have had one wife between them, may now take two wives, but as a general rule the two men have the two wives in common.

In addition, polygyny of the more ordinary kind exists among the Todas, and is probably now increasing in frequency, as one of the results of diminished female infanticide.

One example of polygyny is the marriage of Kuriolv 56 with two wives, one of about the same age as himself, the other a young wife whom he shares with Onadj In another case Odrkurs 1 , has two wives, the second wife being a young girl recently married in the hope of obtaining a son see P.

There is one example of polygyny in the genealogies in which a young boy, Mokudr of Nidrsi 42 , has two wives, both young girls.

He has been doubly married in order that he may get rid of one of his wives by the terersthi custom and so become rich.

He has been married to two wives in order that he may sell one. When a man or a group of men have more than one wife, the two wives usually live together at the same village, but sometimes they live at different villages, the husband or husbands moving about from one village to the other.

Although I was not told that it was the custom for a brother and sister of one clan to marry a sister and brother of another, examination of the genealogies makes it clear that this frequently happens.

A good example which may be cited is the marriage of Kuriolv 52 with Punaveli 65 while Sink6rs, the sister of Kuriolv, married the three brothers of Punaveli.

Two other similar instances may be found in Table 52, and they are of general occurrence throughout the genealogies.

In some communities this custom of exchange is definitely connected with the bride-price, which may be so large as almost to compel a man to give his sister in exchange for the wife he takes from another clan.

In the case of the Todas the bride-price is so inconsiderable that it is unlikely that it would form a motive for exchange, and I think it improbable that in such marriages as those cited above, the idea of exchange is even definitely formulated, but that the combination of marriages, comes about for such obvious reasons as may occur in any community.

The marriage of matchuni, if widely practised, would obviously lead to an appearance of exchange, and it may be that among the Todas this is the chief cause of its occurrence.

Similarly, instances will be found in the genealogies of two brothers or two groups of brothers marrying sisters.

An example may be given from Table 53, where Orzevan marries one woman and his two brothers marry her sister. Another instance may be found in Table In several cases in which a man or group of men have had two wives the wives have been related.

Thus, Kutthurs 12 and his brothers first married Tedjveli After her death, Kutthurs, the only surviving brother, married Sabnir 34 , the daughter of Arsner, Tedjveli's sister.

Again, Paners 23 and his brothers first married Pergveli, and when she died the , married her brother's daughter. Pungusivan 53 married his matchuni, Sinodz 68 , and when she was taken from him by the 4erersthi custom, he married Sintharap, her sister.

There is often very great disproportion of age in Toda marriages. I have already given two cases in which the woman is the older, in each of which the disproportion of age is due to the custom of marrying a matchuni.

More commonly the man is much the older ' and there are at the present time many cases in which elderly men are married to young girls.

This is partly due to the practice of infant marriage. Unless a widower can take advantage of the terersthi custom, which is always expensive, he may have to marry a child and wait till she has reached a marriage.

Thus, Kodrner, my guide, lost his wife some years ago, and then married a girl whose present age is only thirteen, Kodrner being forty-two.

The girl is still living with her parents, and will probably not go to her husbaid for another three or four years.

The marriage tie among the Todas at the present time has become very loose. Wives are constantly transferred from one husband, or group of husbands, to another, the new husband or husbands paying a certain number of buffaloes to the old.

The amount of the compensation or ter is settled by a council, and from this the transaction has received its name of terersthi, or "compensation he tells decides.

There is much reason to believe that this custom has altered its character in recent times. I was told that formerly the custom only applied to cases in which a man had lost his wife by death.

If he wished to marry a woman who was already the wife of another or others, he went to the father of the woman and asked for his consent.

The father would consult with two other elders, and if they were in favour of the proposed transaction the three elders would go to the woman, and if they obtained her consent they then, went to her husband for his.

If husband or wife were unwilling to be parted nothing was done, but if both consented, the new the old husband, the father of the woman, and the two elders met and decided on the number of buffaloes to be given as ter or compensation.

This meeting was called terersthi. The ter had to be paid within a month, and all the buffaloes given had to be females.

The man who was giving up the woman went to the village of the new husband and received his buffaloes, of which he was allowed to choose a certain number.

If he had been awarded more than four buffaloes, he might choose three, if four or less, he might only choose two.

Among the Tartharol, a man would usually choose wursulir, and among the Teivaliol, tashir. At the present time the number of buffaloes given as ter varies very greatly; the most frequent number is three, but often more are given, and in one case,, about ten years ago, a man had to give twenty-five.

The number seems to depend largely on the size of the herd possessed by the man taking a new wife. The more buffaloes he has, the more he has to pay.

When the buffaloes are given, the new husband has to give a feast, after which the old husband drives away his buffaloes.

These two men went to the village of Tedshteiri, where Teigudr was living, and were feasted, the food being cooked on nine ovens, corresponding to the number of the buffaloes.

This cor- respondence between the number of the ovens and of the buffaloes given as ter, suggests that there may have been some definite ceremonial in connexion with this feast of which I failed to obtain an account.

The custom of terersthi has some reason on its side. Wherever infant marriage exists in a small community, it must often happen that a widower finds all the women of his community married, and without some machinery by which he is allowed to take the wife of another, he must remain unmarried or be content with marriage to a mere child Even at the present time, we have seen that an adult man who has lost his wife may marry a girl only a few years of age.

At the present time the custom of terersthi has a far wider range. It is obvious that when a widower takes the wife of another he is simply transferring his difficulty, and the man whose wife he has taken will have to seek a new partner.

It often happens that a man takes the wife of a boy married, perhaps, to a girl of about the same age as himself, and when this boy reaches manhood he will have to seek a wife and will naturally try to obtain the wife of another rather than be content with a child perhaps only three or four years of age.

It seems quite clear that, at the present time, it is not considered necessary to obtain the consent either of the wife or of the husband, and in some cases the wife has been taken from her husband by force.

In some recent cases the aggrieved parties in such disputes have appealed to the Government, and during my visit a petition was being drawn up for presentation to the Governor of Madras' asking that the abuses of the terersthi custom should be remedied.

Divorce exists among the Todas quite apart from the transference of wives just considered. I was told that a man divorces his wife for two reasons, and for two only, the first reason being that the wife is a fool and the second that she will not work.

Barrenness is not generally regarded as a reason for divorce, though I was told of one case in which a man had sent away his wife on this account.

It seemed more usual in such a case to take a second wife. In some cases the illness of the husband has been regarded as a ground for divorce.

Intercourse between a wife and another man is not regarded as a reason for divorce but rather as a perfectly natural occurrence.

When a man divorces his wife, the woman's people usually complain to the naim or council, but if it is decided that the man shall take his wife back, there appears to be no way of compelling him to do so.

In any case the husband pays a fine kwadr of one buffalo to the wife's people, just as he would have done if he had refused to take her when she reached the marriageable age, but he receives back any buffaloes he may have given as podri.

Even if the council decides that the man ought to take his wife back and he refuses, a fine greater than one buffalo cannot be inflicted.

If the divorced woman re-marries, the previous husband does not receive anything, and any buffaloes given become the property of the woman's family.

In addition to the regular marriage, there is another recognised mode of union between men and women, which is called mokhthoditi. The man who becomes the consort of a woman in this way is called her mokhthodvaiol -viz.

It may be, and usually is, formed between Tarthar men and Teivali women, or between Teivali men and Tarthar women.

The great majority of instances of which I heard were of this kind. One woman might have more than one mokhthodvaiol, the largest number of which I heard being three.

Similarly, a man might have more than one sedvaitamnokh, but as the custom entailed considerable expenses on the man, this was not common, and I did not hear of any instance in which a man had more than two.

The mokhthodvaiol has no rights over any, children who might be supposed to be his; they are regarded as the children of the regular marriage, This would be the case even if the husband were dead or separated from his wife.

If a Teivali man took a Tarthar widow as sedvaitazmokh, and a child were born, the child would belong to the Tartharol, and would be regarded as the son of the dead husband of the woman, and would belong to his clan.

The child might live with the Mokhthadvaiol, and be spoken of ordinarily as the child of this man, but yet for all social and legal purposes, the child would be a member of its mother's husband's clan.

The dead husband is regarded as the father because it was he who last performed the pursatpimi ceremony. There are two forms of the mokhthadili union.

In the other and more usual form the man visits the woman at the house of her husband. Owing to the restriction on the visits of Teivali women to Tarthar villages, there is a difference in the nature of the mokhthoditi union in the two divisions.

A Teivali mokhthodvaiol may take his wife to live with him at one of the Teivali villages, but in those cases in which Tarthar men live permanently with Teivali women, the moklithodvaiol must live at the woman's village.

There are two examples of this practice at the present time in which Tarthar men live altogether at Teivali villages. When a man wishes to have a given woman as his sedvaitazmokh he goes to the husband or husbands of the woman and asks for his or their consent.

As a sample of the kind of negotiations which ensue, I will give a definite instance. A Tarthar man wished to become mokhthodvaivl to the wife of two Teivali brothers.

He went to them and asked for their consent, which they gave, but said they should like to have the agreement confirmed by a third party nedrvol , and they settled on a nedrvol to whom all went.

The nedrvol asked each if he consented to the arrangement, and it was decided that the Tarthar man should give a putkuli worth three rupees annually to the woman's husbands, and the former became mokhthodvaiol to the woman on that day.

A few days later the two husbands and the mokhthodvaiol went to the woman's father and brothers called collectively paiol , and the mokhthodvaiol promised that he would give the woman either a keivali necklace or a sin gold earrings , each worth about thirty rupees.

He also promised that he would give a three-year-old buffalo to the son of the woman, this being called mokh ir kwadrtil i.

As we have seen earlier, not only are the relatives of the sedvaitazmokh called paiol, the term in use for the relatives of a real wife, but the father of the woman is called mun and her mother mumi, names which are also terms of bloodrelationship.

When a man or woman dies, the moklitliodvaiol of the woman and the sedvaitazmokh of the man have definitely assigned duties at the funeral ceremonies.

Each wears a ring on the ring finger of the left hand and has to put various things with the left hand into the pocket of the putkuli of the dead person.

The mokhthoditi institution was first described by Ward in the man being called by Ward the coombhal the kumbliol, cloak or blanket man.

This is the Badaga name, and it has usually been adopted by those who have since referred to the institution. The custom is said to have originated with the god Kulinkars, who was the mokhthodvaiol of the goddess Nbtirzi, but I could obtain no details of the way in which the custom is supposed to have arisen.

The ceremonial connected with the process of becoming a moklahodvaiol is very much like that of the real marriage.

A garment is given or promised and the salutation of kalmelpudithti is paid to the woman's relatives. The chief difference is that the gifts are more numerous and expensive for the mokhthodvaiol than for the husband.

Further, in some cases the sedvaitazmokh of a Teivali man may live with him exactly in the same way as a wife. Except for the prohibition against Teivali women living at Tarthar villages, and the important difference in the mode of descent of the children there seems to be little essential difference in some cases between the mokhthoditi union and marriage.

In describing the institution, one of my informants laid great stress on the disability of a man of one division to perform the pursiitpimi ceremony for a woman of the other division and treated this as the essential point of difference.

He seemed to regard this ceremonial disability as primary and the other differences as the secondary results, but I do not know how far this is the general Toda view.

From the foregoing account it appears that a woman may have one or more recognised lovers as well as several husbands.

From the account given of the dairy ritual, it appears that she may also have sexual relations with dairymen of various grades that, for instance, the wursol, on the nights when he sleeps in the hut, may be the lover of any Tarthar girl.

Further, there seems to be no doubt that there is little restriction of any kind on sexual intercourse. I was assured by several Todas not only that adultery was no motive for divorce, but that it was in no way regarded as wrong.

It seemed clear that there is no word for adultery in the Toda language. My interpreter, Samuel, had translated the Commandments shortly before my visit, and only discovered while working with me that the expression he had used in translating the seventh Commandment really bore a very different meaning.

When a word for a concept is absent in any language it by no means follows that the concept has not been developed, but in this case I have little doubt that there is no definite idea in the mind of the Toda corresponding to that denoted by our word 'adultery.

One group of those who experience difficulty in getting to the next world after death are the kashtvainol, or grudging people, and I believe this term includes those who would in a more civilised community be plaintiffs in the divorce court.

In nearly every known community, whether savage, barbarous or civilised, there is found to exist a deeply rooted antipathy to sexual intercourse between brother and sister.

In savage communities where kinship is of the classificatory kind, this antipathy extends not only to the children of one mother, but to all those who are regarded as brothers and sisters because they are members of the same clan or other social unit.

In some communities, such as those of Torres Straits, this antipathy may extend to relatives as remote as those we call second and third cousins, so long as descent through the male line from a common ancestor and membership of the same clan lead people to regard one another as brother and sister.

It is very doubtful whether this widespread, almost universal abhorrence is shared by the Todas. I was told that members of the same clan might have intercourse with one another, and in a preliminary ceremony for an office a special part was taken by a woman who possessed the qualification that she had never had intercourse with a man of her own clan, and it was said it was far from easy to find such a woman.

The forced interaction with other peoples with technology has caused a lot of changes in the lifestyle of the Todas. They used to be primarily a pastoral people but now, they are increasingly venturing into agriculture and other occupations.

They used to be strict vegetarians but now, some people eat meat. Although many Toda abandoned their traditional distinctive huts for houses made of concrete, [8] in the early 21st century, a movement developed to build the traditional barrel-vaulted huts.

From to , forty new huts were built in this style, and many Toda sacred dairies were renovated. Each has a narrow stone pit around it and the tiny door is held shut with a heavy stone.

Only the priest may enter it. It is used for storage of sacred buffalo milk. Registrar of Geographical Indication gave GI status for this unique embroidery, a practice which has been passed on to generations.

The status ensures uniform pricing for Toda embroidery products and provides protection against low-quality duplication of the art. These images have been dry transferred on T-shirts and other products as logos.

Seven years ago, there were just a couple of traditional houses remaining in the permanent hamlets.

One day, a Toda wanted to build a traditional house for his ailing father. The administration agreed to provide the funds. Quite soon, it was ready and one Sunday morning, the Collector, additional Collector and the Superintendent of police inaugurated the house.

The construction was so impressive that advances were paid on the spot for two more houses. Nine houses came up that year. Today, over 35 traditional houses have been constructed.

Media related to Toda people at Wikimedia Commons. Cambridge University Press. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

Ethnic group of Tamil Nadu, India. This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources.

Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. See also: Polyandry among Toda people. Retrieved 3 November Anthropologischer Anzeiger 6 : 64— December Human Biology.

Today, we have been able to assist in funding over forty barrel-vaulted houses. Added to these are the scores of existing temples — two are conical and the rest barrel-vaulted.

Todas

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